Supported by allies China, Iran, North Korea, and Belarus, Russia has maintained their army primarily through foreign funding: producing arms, armoured vehicles, and other supplies through these means. The result of this has been a major strain placed upon both the Ukrainian army and the nation’s civilian population: with Ukraine only managing to meet 60 percent of its national electricity demand by January 2026, resulting in nationwide blackouts (particularly in Kyiv).

While this has certainly served to lower national morale within the former Soviet republic, Russia’s façade of strength and military domination appears to be crumbling.

Key Moments

The most divisive conflict throughout the entire campaign remains the war’s opening clash at Antonov Airport: lasting from the first day of the operation to 25 February 2022. As Russian forces aimed to utilise Blitzkrieg tactics to capture the airport (a major strategic landmark), the army faced major complications in landing their own heavy transport aircraft, as a result of Ukraine’s 4th National Guard Regiment’s efforts to surround the Russian forces and damage the runways. While Russia eventually succeeded, holding the base until April the same year, the damage sustained by the runways prevented a major aerial advantage for the Russian forces, destroying chances of successful routes into the capital.

28 February 2022, four days after President Putin’s announcement of a Russian invasion, the first rocket attacks were launched in Ukraine’s second largest city, Kharkiv (located in the northeastern part of the country), killing at least nine civilians and wounding over forty. This first spark of the conflict marked a distinct precedent for the “operation”, and was shortly followed by an intensified military effort by Russian forces on the capital, Kyiv.

Image: President Zelenskyy delivering an Easter address amid the conflict with Russia – President of Ukraine

The Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant Crisis has also remained a significant strategic threat since early on in the conflict, with a fire breaking out on 3 March as a result of a persistent shelling campaign by Russian forces. While all six of the plant’s reactors remain in a state of “cold shutdown” for the safety of both the staff and the local civilian population, the site remains a stronghold for occupying Russian units, and has overseen constant bombardment (primarily in the form of drone attacks and shelling) from both parties.

Not only has the Zaporizhzhia occupation caused both logistical and strategic issues for the Ukrainian army, but also legal concerns, with the proximity of the fighting to the plant raising questions of whether the operation classifies as nuclear terrorism.

A combination of both smaller skirmishes and major operations have been the make-up of the war from this point onwards- with significant sieges (such as Mariupol) granting the Russian army grand advantages in terms of access to Crimea and the Donbas in the form of land bridges. On the contrary, counter-offensives remained the focal point of Ukrainian combat until 2023, with the Kharkiv Lightning Strike in September liberating over 6,000 kilometers of occupied territory in a matter of days (including major cities Izium and Kupiansk).

In the later months of 2022, Russia declared the annexation of four Ukrainian regions (Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia), however this was widely internationally rejected.

2023 saw an overarching stalemate, a significant contrast to the ever-changing nature of the conflict in 2022. While more major campaigns (such as the Battle of Bakhmut, lasting from August 2022 to May 2023) resulted in severe human losses for the Russian army, events like the Nova Kakhovka Dam Collapse in the summer of 2023 caused almost equally severe destruction in Ukraine.

Following their successful campaigns to drive Ukrainian forces out of Kursk in 2024, the Russian army appears to have significantly slowed down in their advancement into Ukrainian territory: advancing only 15-70 meters a day in their most successful offences. Making progress at a slower rate than the allies in the Battle of the Somme, it is clear to see that the insurgent force is struggling in achieving their strategic goals. Managing to seize just shy of 12 per cent of the nation, and remaining in control of 20% of it, it is easy to understand why after four years of total war Moscow is beginning to lose its morale.

War Crimes

With the International Criminal Court opening emergency investigations into the legality of the invasion as early 2 March 2022, and the International Court of Justice following exactly two weeks later by questioning the lack of evidence of the Kremlin’s justification for the war, there has been a severe concern regarding the criminal nature of the conflict from the very beginning.

Image: President Zelenskyy addresses the Israeli Knesset amid the conflict with Russia – President of Ukraine

A major turning point in this regard was the tragic discovery of mass graves in several Ukrainian towns (most notably Bucha, Irpin, Izyum, Lyman, Kherson, and Mariupol) as early as April 2022. Not only are these graves suggestive of massacres having taken place nationwide, but also a violation of both international humanitarian law and the Geneva conventions’ Additional Protocol I.

Evidence of “filtration camps” has also been presented, where Ukrainian civilians and soldiers are interrogated illegal methods (such as sexual violence, abduction, forced relocation, starvation, and torture). Over 91 per cent of civilian detainees held by the Russian Federation have described themselves as being treated in this way. The desired outcome of these method appears to be in order to remove those believed to pose a threat to Russian control. 

Similar experiences are also reported by both Russian and Ukrainian prisoners of war, with the most significant controversy regarding prisoner of war camp housing remaining the death of an estimated figure of 50 Ukrainian prisoners taken during their defence of Mariupol. While Russian forces have claimed that this tragedy was the result of a Ukrainian missile strike, many observers have suggested that the disaster was most likely caused by Russian authorities.

As of 17 March 2023, the International Criminal Court has issued an arrest warrant for Russian President Putin.

NATO reaction

Since 2014, following Russia’s annexation of Crimea, NATO has remained in full support of both Ukraine’s territorial integrity and national sovereignty, “condemn(ing) Russia’s brutal and unprovoked war of aggression against Ukraine in the strongest possible terms.”

Image: President Zelenskyy and NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte meet at the NATO Washington Summit – The President of Ukraine

In response to this policy, allies of the Organisation have consistently provided the nation with military assistance, delivering on billions of Euros worth of supplies, training, and weapons.

Not only has NATO assisted in funding Ukrainian efforts, but the European Union has remained the country’s largest provider of financial and humanitarian support. Offering over €100 billion of aid, as well as €70 billion of military support, and €17 billion in support for refugees.

Global Impact

Soaring food prices across Europe, triggering energy shocks and power outages, accelerating inflation, and forcing major shifts in European energy dependency, the Russian invasion of Ukraine has placed the continent and its alliances under significant economic strain. As well as this, allies of Ukraine have enacted widespread sanctions upon Russian companies, particularly energy providers, which in turn has placed major strain on the continent (as well as straining Russia’s own war economy).

Aside from the financial impact of the conflict, over 3.7 million people continue to be displaced across Ukraine. While 4.4 million people have returned from their displacement since 2022, the intensifying nature of campaigns in winter months (particularly those closer to the Eastern border) have disrupted efforts.

Recent Developments

On 19 November 2025, a 28-point peace plan was revealed, drafted in peace talks between the United States and Russia. January 2026 saw the three nations (Ukraine, Russia, and the United States) hold trilateral peace talks for the first time since 2022, further signifying a diplomatic effort between all three nations to end the war.

Image: Prime Minister Keir Starmer meets Ukraine President, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, Alexander Stubb, President of Finland, Mark Rutte, Secretary General of NATO and Ursula von der Leyen, President of the European Commission ahead of a meeting with US President Donald Trump – No 10 Downing Street / Simon Dawson

However, while these peace talks have occurred between the nations’ respective correspondents in both Geneva and Abu Dhabi, ‘total war’ remains ongoing in Ukraine, raising concerns regarding the progress made in these meetings.

Where we stand now

As of February 2026, data is beginning to suggest that Russia is hardly maintaining an upper hand, with a struggling army and a war economy that is grinding to a halt. The early failings of Blitzkrieg tactics have left Russia fighting a war of attrition which it is unable to maintain, and this can be seen in the slowing of Russian advancement alone. Gaining less than 1.5 per cent of further Ukrainian territory since the start of 2024, the lack of an adequate war economy is clearly the factor which is slowing progress.

Not only has Russia failed to generate any breakthroughs in the Ukrainian front line within any of its last two years of offensives, but a major decline in popular support within Russia itself can be blamed at least in part for the fatigue the country appears to be facing (with a majority of 55 per cent of Russians believing that at least one person in their social circle opposes the war).

While terms of national security for Ukraine are beginning to be finalised, territorial distribution remains the heart of debate between the two parties, remaining unsolved despite the numerous meetings held to date. Despite two rounds of trilateral talks between American, Ukrainian, and Russian representatives, there still is yet to appear a resolution to this ongoing debate.

Until territorial gains are agreed, it is likely that a peace deal will remain unsigned, leaving the Russian invasion of Ukraine a distinct lack of a timeline for its resolution, and keeping both nations under a state of duress for the foreseeable future.

Featured Image via President of Ukraine

Connolly’s Early Life

From growing up in social housing in County Galway (Gaillimh), to becoming the Mayor of the county (and now the President of Ireland), Connolly has been a key figure on the left-wing radical political scene for decades. Describing growing up in a working class family with thirteen siblings as an experience which “moulded” her, Catherine has not had an easy life. 

After facing the loss of her mother at the age of nine, and being raised by her widower father, Connolly has made it very clear throughout her election campaign that she is not a stranger to the people’s struggle, and this is one of the qualities which has made her so popular.

Her Path to Politics

Having obtained a Clinical Psychology and Law degree, 68-year-old Connolly has served the country as both a barrister and a clinical psychologist. Not only does this make her an individual who has worked within the public spheres, but also one who knows the importance and intricacies of the Irish legal and medical systems (ones which are currently facing their own sets of challenges).

In 1999, Connolly was elected as a Labour Party representative for Galway City Council, eventually going on to become the mayor of Galway City, where she highlighted the challenges of the Irish housing crisis, describing it as the “defining social crisis of our time”. This continues to be at the forefront of her policies and a major talking point throughout her campaign.

Image: President-elect Catherine Connolly – Houses of the Oireachtas

In 2016, Connolly became an Independent Teachta Dála for Galway West, continuing to enact her policies without the constraints of working under a party, becoming more radical and outspoken in her views as a result.

2020 saw Catherine Connolly elected as the first woman to serve as the Leas-Cheann Comhairle of Dáil Éireann (Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives).

Policies and Views

As well as focusing largely on the Irish housing crisis, Connolly has been vocal in her condemnation of the “genocide” in the Gaza strip, representing the Irish public’s solidarity of the Palestinian people: a stance which is centuries old.

Despite her vocalised condemnation of “the Palestinian Genocide”, Connolly has been very clear regarding her “vow of peace” foreign policy, openly opposing the ever-worsening issue of European militarisation which she believes can be blamed for much of the nationalist military activity of the last few decades.

Other parts of her policy which focus on Irish social issues include her advocacy for disadvantaged groups, most notably the victims of the Magdalene Laundries scandal (and woman and baby homes as a whole). An outspoken feminist, Connolly has promised a large portion of her presidential salary will be returned to the Irish people through various projects and schemes. Connolly has also made promises regarding climate change action, and intends to use her platform to allow these ideas to be passed to other nations.

Her cultural policies are mainly centric of United Ireland and Irish language recognition. As of 5 November, the Dáil Éireann has for the first time backed Sinn Féin’s policies for Irish Unity, marking a historic step towards this goal early on. Connolly is a fluent Irish speaker, an important quality for an Irish President, and intends to make Irish the official working language of Áras an Uachtarán.

Connolly’s Landslide Win

Despite running as an Independent candidate for the ceremonial position, Connolly has been backed by the Labour Party, Social Democrats, and most notably Sinn Féin throughout her political career and presidential campaign.

Image: Defeated Fine Gael presidential candidate Heather Humphreys – Fergal Phillips / Fine Gael

Competing with Heather Humphries solely (after Fianna Fáil’s Jim Gavin dropped out), Connolly secured her spot as the 10th Uachtarán na hÉireann with a record-breaking 63% of all votes, and will assume office on 11 November 2025 after Michael D. Higgins hands the baton over after 14 years as Uachtarán na hÉireann for over 14 years).

Connolly’s presidency has a very promising outlook for Ireland, and many cannot wait for her to get out on the world scene as a powerful advocate for the Irish people.

Featured Image via House of Oireachtas

The National Security Strategy is a document published by the government which outlines the country’s foreign and domestic security policies, defining shared goals within parliament and therefore increasing its productivity.

Held in the Netherlands between the 24th and 26th of June 2025, the Hague NATO summit will host discussions between European Leaders who appear to be in collective agreement that there is a significant need to increase spending on defence in order to deter Russia, in light of the third anniversary of the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

Starmer has announced his definitive goal for the nation to be united, expressing the pressing need to “deploy all of our resources to achieve security”. He aims to achieve this through decreasing international aid spending (from 0.5 per cent of Gross National Income to 0.3 per cent) in order to allow for an increase in defence spending.

The publication of the Strategy comes directly after his historic pledge to contribute 5 per cent of GDP to national security.

Reasoning

The world is becoming increasingly uncertain, with technological and economic developments across the globe generating competition in Europe, the Middle East, and Asia.

With these increasing developments, the Strategy acknowledges that tackling the actions of global powers, such as Russia and China, may be a greater struggle than it was during the Cold War. Scientific and technological efforts have undeniably changed the landscape of conflict, as demonstrated by the nuclear arms crisis in the Middle East, and the UK aims to achieve stability aided by both large and small global companies, increasing the strength of the UK in the changing political landscape.

Identifying the three main issues faced by the UK as confrontation with adversaries, competition with other states, and cooperation, the Security Strategy outlines the severe strategic challenges affecting the stability of the United Kingdom.

At a time when global tensions are at their highest levels for decades, the prospect of conflict between major powers rises, and the Strategy identifies the need for the United Kingdom to adapt in order to maintain a competitive status among nations. It aims to achieve this through strengthening alliances, seen through the agreement towards 5 per cent of GDP being spent on defence.

Strategic Framework: The Three Pillars of National Security Strategy

The framework of the Security Strategy focuses on foreign and domestic affairs, with industrial policy being separately addressed in the collection of documents which were published under the Modern Industrial Strategy on the 23rd of June.

The Strategy is divided into three pillars: Security at Home, Strength Abroad, and Increase Sovereign and Asymmetric Capabilities. These three pillars aim to not only project an image of strength but also build upon the foundation of the UK’s foreign policy in order to keep British citizens safe and strengthen the United Kingdom’s international influence.

1. Security at Home

The Security Strategy seeks to defend UK territory, make the UK a harder target overall, and build resilience to possible threats.

Recognising the importance of the UK’s status as an island nation, the Royal Navy will secure undersea infrastructure as well as police the seas surrounding the island, in order to counter maritime threats and maintain energy supplies (primarily through the protection of the subsea fibre optic cables and pipes, through which the UK receives 99 per cent of its digital communications and 75 per cent of its gas supply).

The Strategy also mentions the development of technologies which will allow for targeted interventions of criminal activity at the borders, recognising the severity of the drug and firearms trade at the borders, as well as the 16,770 victims of human trafficking recognised in 2023/24 as a result of underdeveloped border protection. 

Steps will also be taken to prevent the UK from being an easy target for hostile actions and exploitation, namely organised crime. Utilising the Counter Terrorism Operations Centre, as well as numerous government agencies, the Strategy aims to increase public safety and disrupt terrorist groups before offences can be carried out. This extends to online threats as well, under the Online Safety Act 2023, which will further protect internet users from terrorist content and tackle extremism online.

All of these measures aim to work in tandem with one another to increase national resilience to disruptive threats, both foreign and domestic. The Home Defence policy seeks to achieve this through the running of National Exercises to assess preparedness, alongside an increase in public communications regarding the steps which should be taken in the event of a threat.

2. Strength Abroad

The UK government also has several methods in which it aims to bolster collective security, maintain key alliances, and develop new partnerships.

Working within the NATO alliance, the UK plays an integral role in operational deployments, as well as maintaining Euro-Atlantic security from modern threats. These include nuclear arms and submarines as well as the Russian threat in Ukraine, with a key goal being to prevent further Russian aggression. The UK has contributed a total of £18 billion towards Ukrainian efforts and remains committed to defending Ukrainian security through the training of Ukrainian soldiers and sanctioning of over 2,500 Russian targets.

The Strategy highlights the importance of alliances with foreign powers in achieving strength abroad, particularly the United States and the EU, and will work alongside the EU to work towards shared goals: economic growth, better living standards, and border protection. The Security Strategy also mentions the interest of the UK in achieving partnerships with India and other Indo-Pacific nations.

3. Increase Sovereign and Asymmetric Capabilities

As the threat from foreign forces increases, it is critical that the industrial capacity of the United Kingdom is maximised, allowing for strength and cohesion in the face of global uncertainty. The National Security Strategy aims to achieve this through the rebuilding of the industrial base, recognition of sovereign capabilities, and the achievement of asymmetric advantages over foreign parties in order to secure the United Kingdom as a global competitor.

Investment will be sourced from the National Wealth Fund which will support defence companies, and in turn stimulate growth for the technology and financial industries as well as supporting trade unions. This defence investment aims to support UK businesses by creating new munitions and energetics factories, allowing for money to be put back into the UK’s own economy through producing its own weapons without relying on other nations.

Working alongside the US and Australia under AUKUS, the UK aims to utilise AI and cyber developments in order to maximise its sovereign capabilities. Not only will this initiative support growth, but it will generate an estimated 30,000 British jobs, further supporting the UK workforce. This will work in conjunction with the Modern Industrial Strategy to prioritise crucial industries and maximise the potential of the United Kingdom.

The UK also seeks to develop technologies and industries which will allow it to achieve an asymmetric advantage over competitor nations, committing £86 billion to the research and development of these advancements and aiming to expand the sovereign capacity by 20 times by 2030. 

The Security Strategy acknowledges the capabilities which can be provided by AI and aims to use these to achieve these advantages. The Strategy pledges the creation of AI Growth Zones in partnership with the National Cyber Security Centre in order to expand AI infrastructure on UK soil, reducing the dependence of the UK on other nations at such a turbulent time.

There is also recognition of the need for innovation in terms of environmental concerns, with the maintenance of Sir David Attenborough’s scientific presence in Antarctica, allowing for the continued collection of climate data.

Final Thoughts

In an uncertain time, the NSS 2025 seeks to implement plans which will protect British people and British interests, as well as increase sovereign capability to develop independence in overreliant industries like AI and energy generation.

Delivering a stronger border and tackling crime at the borders, the Security Survey will allow for the evolution of both public and private sectors through the support of UK-based factories and businesses via various methods of funding. The development of sovereign capabilities heavily depends on the cooperation of the British public, and if successful, will not only unite the nation under the common goal of national security but also result in heightened public vigilance and awareness of the struggles which we face in the current geopolitical landscape.

However, it should be recognised (especially regarding sovereign independence) that achieving independence in the industries of AI and quantum computing may be difficult, and it should be expected that while the UK can increase its own capabilities in some areas, it will remain dependent on other nations for technological developments like these. Similarly, the UK will struggle to gain complete independence from importing communications and energy.

Despite this, the National Security Strategy, alongside adjacent policies like the Industrial Strategy, is a step in the right direction for the achievement of a stable and secure Britain.

The intention of the Plan is to better support the creative workforce, with the end goal being to secure the United Kingdom as the “number one destination worldwide for investment in creativity and innovation”.

Significance

As of 2025, the UK Creative Industries draw in £17 billion through business investment, contributing £124 billion per annum (5.2 per cent GVA). If the Creative Industries Sector Plan was to succeed in accomplishing all four of its aims, this figure would increase to £31 billion and secure the United Kingdom as a strong contender in the industry’s international competition.

As of 2019, the Creative Industries have shown consistent growth of 6 per cent annually, and as of 2025 employ 2.4 million individuals. Investment in the creative workforce on this scale will not only enhance the competitive status of the UK’s Creative Industries but also facilitate the growth of the industry, funding the creation of thousands of new jobs nationwide.

The Four Key Aims

The Creative Industries Sector Strategy is arranged into four key aims. These are to transform cross-cutting support, boost growth in higher-potential sub-sectors, realise the potential of Creative Industries clusters, and deliver joint commitments from government and industry working in partnership.

1. Transforming cross-cutting support

Research and development investment is due to increase at both public and private levels, with the intention to support the creation of Intellectual Property for the Creative Industries. The intention is to secure the UK as the most accessible location to set up and invest in creative businesses, offering a wide range of financial support using the £380 million boost in funding.

The UK government aims to develop a resilient and diverse workforce, working alongside both businesses and freelance creative workers to ensure needs are met and a healthy relationship is maintained. This level of government support will hopefully incentivise those in the industry to choose the United Kingdom as their desired location for setting up their businesses and investing in the United Kingdom’s Creative Industries, leading to an increase in GVA and stabilising the position of the sector.

2. Boosting growth in our highest potential sub-sectors

The Sector Plan identifies: Film and TV; Music, performing, and visual arts; Video games; and Advertising and marketing as the United Kingdom’s highest grossing industries.

Last year, the UK grossed £4.8 billion of investment in the Film and TV industry, marking it as one of the leading nations in film production. The investment into Film and TV, working alongside the BBC, aims to maintain the attractiveness of the UK for further inward investment, with the government’s commitment to this cause hoping to result in the preservation of the public media as well as the UK’s status as an internationally recognised hub of media production.

Similarly, the UK music industry is the third largest in the world, constituting £7.6 billion in revenue in 2024 (with £1.49 billion of this resulting from UK recorded music exports, this figure seeing a 4.8 per cent annual increase). The UK government pledges to identify and capitalise on home-grown British talent, and utilise the funding promised under the Creative Industries policy to aid the achievement of this goal in the music and performing arts industries.

Furthering on the policy outlined in the Digital and Technologies Sector Plan, the UK also aims to secure its status as the largest video games industry in Europe by catalysing the expansion of studios and the development of smaller UK-based game companies.

In 2024, the UK advertising market held a value of £32 billion, seeking to reach a value of £44 billion in 2028. The government aims to achieve this through the exploitation of modern technologies, such as Artificial Intelligence, allowing for the boosting of exports of advertising campaigns produced by UK-based firms.

3. Realising the potential of Creative Industries clusters

Creative Industries clusters across the UK are acknowledged to hold high potential for the creation of thousands of high-quality jobs, recognising the 709 microclusters and 55 major clusters that exist within the nation.

Not only does the Sector Plan recognise the importance of the Greater London supercluster (which constitutes for 34 per cent of creative businesses in the United Kingdom), but it also aims to capitalise off of the smaller clusters across England, Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland, working with their governments to support the growth corridor. This policy aims to develop the clusters already aided by the 2018 Creative Clusters Programme, working in tandem with the UK’s governments to provide adequate funding to these areas and stimulate economic growth outside of Greater London.

4. Delivering joint commitments from government and industry, working in partnership

The UK government aims to develop a more positive relationship with all businesses and employers alongside the relaunched Creative Industries Council, with an intention to achieve shared goals regarding diversity and inclusion, equality in the industries, and response to security and global concerns.

Summary

The intentions of the government with the ten year Creative Industries Sector Plan are clear: to stimulate economic growth, increase employment in the industries, and re-establish clear connections with leaders in the industry in order to achieve their goals more effectively.

However, the Sector Plan still fails to acknowledge widespread issues within the industries, such as the use of generative AI and its impact on freelance artists and graphic designers. The encouragement of the use of AI outlined in the Digital and Technologies Sector Plan, therefore, limits the amount of positive long-term impact which the Sector Plan can offer in terms of supporting the development and protection of Intellectual Property for artists.

The Plan, if successful, will undeniably support the Creative Industries, particularly in delivering joint commitments and developing microclusters, as well as offering financial support to creative workers of all levels and as a result, boosting the growth of the UK’s creative economy.